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Texas is at war with cities, counties and school districts over local COVID-19 responses that go beyond what the state wants. This is a template for state and local fights in other states, such as Florida, and the legal discussion is already pending before the Texas Supreme Court.
When they are not at war with local officials, the governor and state attorney general have been pushing against the Biden administration the legal rocks on masks and migrants. Part of that could end up in the U.S. Supreme Court.
Our legislature has been stranded for more than a month since the Texas House Democrats left for Washington, DC, to prevent the passage of a Republican bill on “electoral integrity.” which would make it difficult for Texans to support Democrats. Once there, they tried and failed to convince Congress, where there is a democratic majority, to pass voting legislation that would prevent what Republicans in Texas and other states are doing.
If you follow national policies and policies, Texas is the center.
Texas leads the news of the coronavirus, with hospitalizations near peak levels. This week, Gov. Greg Abbott tested positive for COVID-19. The latest wave could surpass previous waves of the pandemic in what a doctor called “the fourth round of what should have been a three-wheeled fight,” Karen Brooks Harper and Carla Astudillo of The Texas Tribune reported .
Abbott and Attorney General Ken Paxton are fighting school districts and local governments to ignore the state ban on mask warrants and to demand vaccine testing for admission to some public spaces.
Willie Nelson is the latest warrior on this front, requiring evidence of a vaccine or a current negative coronavirus test to enter his Outlaw Music Festival in Austin on Sunday. The governor has said companies with state licenses or state money cannot use vaccines as a basis for admission; Nelson, like some others, puts it to the test.
Who wants to fight Willie Nelson?
The Biden administration has suggested that federal funding for education could be threatened by bans on school mask mandates, which would be tantamount to taking sides with districts that want to demand masks.
It would not be the first demand. The administration was already suing the state to direct state police to stop vehicles carrying migrants suspected of having COVID-19. Abbott and other state officials have accused the federal government of abandoning immigration law enforcement and contributing to a huge increase in migration across the state’s border with Mexico that began earlier this year. year, and the order of concentration of migrants was part of a larger state effort to intervene.
Legislation on the vote will no doubt be the subject of litigation, but state supremacists have already said it is legal for the state to take those Democrats back to the job they chose to do.
“The legal issue before this court only concerns whether the Texas Constitution gives the House of Representatives the authority to physically force the attendance of absent members,” the court ruled. “We conclude that yes, and therefore direct the district court to withdraw the TRO.”
The law is clear enough. So is the possibility of political theater, if the final game causes the state to arrest Democratic lawmakers and move them to Austin to force a vote on legislation that Democrats argue is detrimental to voters with disabilities and to people of color.
The Supreme Court also saw this: a sign that they are good enough in politics. “The question now before this court is not whether it is a good idea for the Texas House of Representatives to detain absent members to force a quorum. It is also not desirable to propose voting legislation that would lead to this dispute. “These are political issues far outside the realm of the judiciary.”
Sure, it would draw national attention, but that’s not uncommon in Texas right now.
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